Folks who are familiar with this space – and with me in general – know that I refer to neo-liberalism in education policy quite frequently. Last week, this item came across my electronic desk via the OLDaily by Stephen Downes.
Don’t look up: Ignoring the looming crisis in public education
Mark Innes, et al., BERA Blog, 2022/07/01
The authors point to what they consider to be four crises in education:
- “a 40-year ideological experiment in marketisation and neoconservatism.”
- “teacher recruitment and retention are in a downward spiral.”
- “the glaring lack of a… curricular policy to teach about climate change”
- “the ways in which Covid has increased educational inequalities”
It seems a bit like an odd selection, somewhat specific to the U.K. context, yet not completely so – I see similar issues, for example, in the United States and Australia. I think they’re also based in a specific philosophy of education, one that sees it not only as a public good, but also as an instrument for projecting public policy. Not saying any of this is wrong, but I don’t think people outside the system would see the issues in exactly the same way.
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While this item is written about the United Kingdom – which has undergone a similar neo-liberal takeover of education under the guise of educational reform – the four points are quite applicable to the United States (and broader North America context). The first point that they make is the one that speaks to the point around neo-liberalism.
1. Looming crisis: education as the great experiment
Education in England has been the subject of a 40-year ideological experiment in marketisation and neoconservatism. However, both of these work against the notion of education as a common good (Gunter & Courtney, 2020). The results are in for this reform package. Like pieces of comet burning up in the atmosphere, these have not survived rigorous, research-based scrutiny. For example, we know that local authority maintained schools obtain better inspection outcomes than academies. This isn’t the only indicator of a good education, but it certainly matters to policymakers. Academisation aligns with a neoconservative belief that provision should compete in a hierarchy (Courtney, 2015). This impetus recurrently reanimates grammar schooling as a viable ‘part of the mix’ from which parents should choose. However, grammar schools impede social mobility. These failures are constructed as successes: academies advance education as a public good; grammar schools are a ladder for the poor. Neither experiment stands up.
The phrase “experiment in marketisation” is another way to say neo-liberalism (and I suspect they chose because the average reader wouldn’t be able to get their heads around describing an ideology as neo-liberalism and neo-conservativism). In the UK – much like in the US – the research has clearly and consistently shown that the application of free market principles to education have not yielded any real gains in learning – and in most cases it has produced overall loses in learning. For the select few that it does help, those tends to be isolated instances (and often disadvantage others who were already disadvantaged). But it has certainly made some companies and individuals quite wealthy based on public funding that was supposed to be used for education.
Another side effect of the “experiment in marketisation” has been the second point that the authors make:
2. Looming crisis in pedagogy
Teacher recruitment and retention are in a downward spiral….
One of the things that has come about with the push for more standards, increased standardized testing to ensure that teachers are teaching what they are supposed to teach, a punitive system of determining winning and losing schools, increased competition for students, a need to provide more programming with less funding, etc. has created an environment where the teaching profession has become deprofessionalized. Add on to that the unstated, and in some cases stated, intent of many of these educational reform mechanisms is to further weaken the professional associations designed to protect the interests of teachers (i.e., teachers unions), and is it any wonder why people are leaving the teaching profession in record numbers or that young people don’t want to become teachers.
There are some who would argue that the system is so large that the structural change that is needed is simply not possible, so tinkering around the edges so that they can help some students is the only tool available to them. The problem is when the tinkering that helps some students, hurts other students more than they are already being hurt – and causes a number of unintended, but still associated complications.
If the “experiment in marketisation” has helped say 10% of the students out there, but hurt the remaining 90% – and also caused other crisis in education that also need to be addressed – from a systematic standpoint is it worth it? Those who come from an individualistic standpoint would focus on the 10% and point to the rest as to why they are satisfied with only tinkering with the system. Those who come from a collective standpoint – like those who wrote this Don’t look up: Ignoring the looming crisis in public education blog entry – who argue that there is no point investing energy re-arranging deck chairs is the ship is going to sink. Let’s take that energy and try to repair the boat!